A fairytale was not to fight The new novel by Silvana De Mari, surgeon and writer "As long as there is no genital mutilation can take care of other" The golden-eyed cat fighting female circumcision
Silvana Mazzocchi 'WAS surgeon and now deals with psychotherapy, but it is also the author of the popular fantasy literature dedicated to children, to face (lightly) the evil of the world and talk to them about love, hope and positive values. Silvana De Mari, won prestigious awards in the past and is now returning with a new novel that tells the horrors of female adolescents still imposed on many girls and many women in homage to religion or culture, but for the purpose of depriving them of all pleasure. A written history because, said de Mari, "until there is infibulation, we can not occupy the other." So fight such atrocities is his battle and writing his weapon. To her, who was a volunteer doctor in Ethiopia, you've had to treat women defaced, destroyed by grief and the golden-eyed cat, dedicated to Ayaan, "tortured child, warrior queen," is a tribute with which the writer -doctor intends to preserve the memory and open a new era of commitment against sexual mutilation. Paper sull'infibiluazione, but not limited to, the cat by golden eyes, a few days in library Fanucci, is a novel that is surprisingly "light", magic, almost a perfect fairy tale for children, but also for adults because it tells the reality without any discounts, and does so through the fantastic lens, opening a door to hope. 's the story of Leila, Italian girl, poor, cheerful and intelligent, curious, ironic, and even cheerfully, she lives her daily life. He lives with his mother in a shack near a swamp, but attends a school where middle-class, from day one, is marginalized and humiliated. But she wants to learn, is optimistic and does not bend: a welcome cane trovatello che si rivelerà la sua fortuna e legge tutti i libri che le passa Fiamma, la prima della classe a cui è legata da sincera simpatia, per poi girarli ai suoi amici delle paludi, soprattutto a Maryam, la sua amica del cuore, musulmana e povera come lei. Ed è proprio Maryam che un giorno la madre e le sorelle immobilizzano, per sottoporla allo sciagurato rito dell'infibulazione.... finché, come favola insegna, l'amicizia e la solidarietà avranno la meglio e salveranno la piccola musulmana dal suo destino, rendendo migliore la vita di tutti. Un libro da regalare ai figli, ai fratelli, ma anche una buona lettura per gli adulti perché Il gatto dagli occhi d'oro tocca il cuore e parla d'integrazione, d'amore e di solidarietà con una semplicità che incanta. Il che, di questi tempi, non è poco. Lei è medico chirurgo, ha lavorato in Etiopia, e scrive libri per ragazzi. Perché? "Perché la narrativa per ragazzi è appunto per ragazzi e i ragazzi sono straordinari. Gli adulti non sempre, non tutti, qualcuno si è un po' ammaccato lungo la via, ha perso lo smalto o si è dimenticato di averne. E' una narrativa epica, l'unica che vada per i massimi sistemi, l'unica che osi porsi interrogativi su Dio e sulla Morte, e osi addirittura dare risposte. È in realtà, sempre, narrativa "anche" per ragazzi, perché un libro che è buono a dodici is also good to sixty years, while the reverse is not always valid. Why are children's books must have two mandatory features, speed, rhythm and faith in life, the consciousness that whatever happens, life is amazing and being alive and a gift. Not everyone can be a writer of children's books, not everyone can do as a gardener or baker. And then there are a couple of advantages in being an author for the very young. The book we've read in ten years, we are left in, is part of the foundations of the cognitive system and the foundations are what remains, we remember all my life and, finally, there is a quantity of affection and tenderness huge that we have only us. I have a closet full of drawings with the characters in my books that I have been given away, and someone came halfway around the world. Every now and then throw them out and look at them. They are perfect in those days a bit 'suspended, when a cold or imprison me for 38 of fever at home. A writer for adults, "or, rather, only for adults, the cabinet of drawings, if the dreams of fever and 38 had only aspirin. The golden-eyed cat says the atrocity of female ... "How do we deal with another until there is female circumcision? The Phantom of The Last of infibulation was already there spells, hidden in the spell dell'idrargirio. Ho visto per la prima volta un'infibulazione all'ospedale di Bushulo, in Etiopia, un posto bellissimo sulle rive di un lago circondato da canneti. Le sale operatorie erano sale operatorie african style, vale a dire un unico stanzone con quattro lettini e grandi finestre chiuse da zanzariere. A causa della infibulazione rifatta dopo il parto, una giovane donna non riusciva più ad espellere il sangue mestruale. Era stato lasciato un orifizio, ma la suppurazione che era seguita aveva causato un edema, in altre parole un gonfiore ai tessuti, e l'edema aveva chiuso l'orifizio. Il sangue mestruale non potendo defluire era rimasto a stagnare trasformando la vagina in una sacca piena di sangue, che a causa della presenza di batteri era "marcito", the vagina had become a ball that kept her from pressing on the puffball and empty the bladder had become enormous. I had to empty the vagina, reopening for the umpteenth time that poor woman's vulva. He had left the blood, blackened, infected with a nauseating smell and then the vultures attracted by the smell of death had come crashing into the nets. The woman would have died shortly thereafter for recurrent urinary tract infections and kidney failure. While trying to evacuate as much as possible of that stuff blackish, while the vultures behind me break out against the mosquito, crazy for the smell of dead, rotting, but that was alive from the belly of a woman, I swore that I would fought for women and girls. My battle begins today with this book, and will not stop until the sexual mutilation exist. It is a battle for the smile to every woman should be guaranteed the inalienable right to smile. " What kind of literature is useful to know your child the dark side of the world? " The fantastic narrative, always , always, forever is the one containing the monsters. When something is too horrible to look at him, put him in fantastic fiction. A characteristic of great literature is to contain fairy-tale elements, some spark of magic. In reality, the magic, is not childish. The magic replaces campo letterario un'altra parola che comincia per m, cioè miracolo, e altro non esprime che il nostro struggente desiderio di poter contare su una provvidenza che vegli su di noi, e che di tanto in tanto violi le leggi della natura per darci una mano. Questo ci permette di parlare di qualsiasi argomento, qualsiasi, con un tono di leggerezza, parola incantevole, che non ha niente a che vedere con superficialità. L'incantevole fiaba di Pelle d'Asino parla dell'incesto, Hansel e Gretel e Pollicino del cannibalismo: durante le grandi carestie, nella guerra dei trent'anni i Germania, in Ucraina nel 32 sotto Stalin, prima di morire di fame, la gente , mangiava i cadaveri. Il cannibalismo è un tabù assoluto, non è stato raccontato, was denied, but remained embedded in fairy tales. The great classic fairy tales contain the persecution of the child, the unspeakable, in The Little Prince and Peter Pan, is the unbearable, the baby's death, his son's death. The Fantasy contains a recenteissima fear, fear of the end of the world due to the never-before-seen form of totalitarianism. In fantasy literature we put the monsters that dare not face, because once covered with gold powder and color, they stop terrorizing and we learn to cope with them. That is why mother nature (God?) He brought it to a specific area of \u200b\u200bthe brain this curious ability to feel pleasure, a pleasure based on endorphins, in listening to a story that has never happened. We have to believe in fairy tales because they tell the truth and say that the orcs do exist and can be beaten. They say that the devils exist and can be saved. " Silvana De Mari The cat-eyed golden Fanucci publisher reserved © Playing: The Republic
( October 30, 2009)
Blackmail the investigation.
The prosecutor of Rome will also be receiving the The raid takes place on July 3, 11, and already the filamto is offered for sale For too long this video Marrazzo
kept in rooms Berlusconi
of Giuseppe D'Avanzo blackmail Marrazzo. The source close to the investigation we do not turn around: "There is no other politician of the right or left, minister in charge, the outgoing minister, professional famous or unknown," Chiappe golden or silver in our survey ". Maybe it will show up tomorrow or maybe never. In the meantime, it must be said that the names vivamaria of rumors and whispers that poison or excite the Palace is only an effective work to confuse the affair. Which has two chapters. The first is known. In unison all - for once - Request that it be closed with the resignation of Marrazzo. Private concerns weaknesses of the governor, the lightness of a public man who, blackmailed, does not denounce the blackmail, and discovered the blackmail, mind or concealing the reckless hope of saving the neck and reputation. But it was true or blackmail Marrazzo may have some reason if he believed, for almost four months, has been the victim of a robbery and not extortion? must then read the second chapter in the history of events where the plot is disjointed, contradictory succession, wills and actions without meaning. Three policemen, three types of claims, with the help of a pusher addict (Gianguarino Cafasso), penetrate by force in an apartment where the governor is accompanied by a viado. The banging against a wall. Oblige him to slip off his pants (it's the latest version of Marrazzo). Arrange a stage with trans scollacciato, money, cocaine, pass the 'National Association of cinema operators "with photos. Take over the scene with a cell phone. The empty your wallet (2,000 €). Forced him to sign three checks for 20 000 euro (not collections). If they leave. It is July 3, Friday. Already a few days later, on July 11, the pusher contact addict, through his lawyer, drafting Free (directed by Victor Felts). It is a bizarre blackmail with the blackmailers that does not even try to extract money the victim, but are concerned about now to make the weapon inoperable threatening that they caused. Why? The reason we have it under your eyes: Piero Marrazzo has never been blackmailed by the police. The rogues there have ever thought. Should behave in another way. They have the governor in their hands, too scared to report them. They can sit back and squeeze it for good, and long, getting money and favors. It would appear, this is not their mission. Do not ask for nothing, want nothing, are never alive to beat cash. The dirty work is another who must attend to: fit the governor and "honor". Why try to sell the video soon. The initiative, at first, it seems silly, incomprehensible, if we talk about extortion. Turn PhotoMasi agency in Milan. Carmen Masi is not wrong to ask today: "As a blackmailer tries to make public the object of blackmail? Is absurd." In fact, it is. You have a booty that can take time and turn it into a dish of lentils ate it once and forever? Who then are these villains dressed as policemen? We must ask the source close to the investigation. That scratches his head and says, "We'll deal with in due course. Now you can do only three cases. 1. There are three beggars. 2. They are" controlled. "3. There are other-directed." The first hypothesis is most unlikely. "To make sense a history that can not stand, it must set aside the blackmail that is not there, that there never was, and explore the road take the video. Who sees it? Who owns it? It is, therefore, on July 11. A lawyer, on behalf of the pusher addict, contact the editors of Free. Two journalists, three days later (15), meet Gianguarino Cafasso showing them in a hovel of Cassia, the movie with Marrazzo. Cafasso is talking about "political and trans, he knows everything" and one called "Chiappe of gold." He wants 500 thousand euro (which in time will be reduced to 90 000) for images of the governor, "so I close with this life." The journalists are not convinced. The three minutes of the video seem fake. They want to see him again. Nothing to do. A couple of days to decide whether or not it's okay, Cafasso said. Victor Felts inform the journalists who decide to give up. The video is still moving. First of August is proposed to Today (group Rizzoli). An envoy of the Weekly Preview Sept. 1 in Rome. The looks fake. He wants to verify its accuracy. He is prevented. The direction of Today (Andrea Monti. Umberto Brindani), a few days later, closed the deal with PhotoMasi, was responsible for marketing the fourth policeman creator of the band. The disk continues to rotate in mysterious ways that go beyond the agency's contacts in Milan. It is no longer Cafasso to move it. Struck dai suoi vizi e dal diabete, è morto in una stanza d'albergo. In settembre sente parlare del video Maurizio Belpietro, diventato direttore di Libero. Riesce a farselo mostrare, anche se non ne entra in possesso, il 12 ottobre. Anche lui s'impiomba dinanzi a quelle immagini troppo confuse che ipotizza false, ma ormai negli ambienti del governo e del centro-destra molti sanno che quel video esiste e che, prima o poi, si troverà il modo per mostrarlo a tutti. C'è chi storce la bocca per il disgusto e lascia filtrare da fine settembre la notizia del "filmatino", rifiutato da Feltri e Belpietro. Sono i primi giorni di ottobre, ormai, e il lavoro sporco dei carabinieri, forse "comandati", forse eterodiretti, mostra la corda. Nessuno vuole il tested in the video which would have the political interest - Cafasso is explicit with reporters Libero - to publish it. Felt has declined. Belpietro did not want him. Mario Giordano, director of the newspaper until July, has not even been proposed. must start again, changing something in the procedure. When Carmen Masi contact Alfonso Signorini, Director of Chi (Knopf), gets the video material (the agency has never owned) and is finally allowed to leave the four villains in view of the possible buyer. It is October 5, Signorini receives the disk, signing a receipt. Copy the images. Now it is crucial to know what happens between the Mondadori, Palazzo Grazioli, Villa San Martino, between 5 and Oct. 19, when Berlusconi Marrazzo called to tell him that there is a video that would be better off compromising and ricomprarselo agency that while the telephone number and a Carmen Masi possible mediator. In the fog, there is some fixed point. Signorini decides not to publish. It is certain that the diskette does not return. It is certain that informs the chairman of the Mondadori (Marina Berlusconi) and the CEO (Maurizio Costa). It is certain that Silvio Berlusconi has a way of seeing the video that Signorini delivered to the Navy. The time will be decisive. When the manager who delivered the images to Marina? When the Navy shows his father? How long Silvio Berlusconi roll over in his hands the disk before you call to Marrazzo? The time is crucial because, in those hours, the devil will put us in line. Things are going well. An Italian prosecutor of attorney behind a gang of drug smugglers is combining "a deal very, very big." Phones controlled. "Bugs" environment. Stalking. In short, the ambaradam of these cases. In the "network" gets caught one of the rogue police officers who attacked Marrazzo. The 'listening' is expanding its phones. That speaks to one of the gang in uniform and was told: "... the video of the president ...". The video of the president. The prosecutor who can pensare? Non è romano, non è laziale. L'ultima persona che gli può venire in mente è Marrazzo. Pensa a quel presidente, a Berlusconi. Si dispera. È di fronte a un'alternativa del diavolo. Sa di dover intervenire subito per proteggere il capo del governo da chissà che cosa ed è consapevole che, se lo fa, gli va per aria l'inchiesta. Decide di liberarsi della patata bollente. Intorno al 9 ottobre chiama il procuratore aggiunto di Roma, Giancarlo Cataldo, e gli spiega l'impiccio: occupatevene voi, vi mando le carte, voi mettete le mani sul video, ammesso che esista, io salvo la mia inchiesta, voi salvate Berlusconi. Così sarà. Il 14 ottobre un'informativa del Ros mette in moto la procura di Roma. A questo punto, si deve immaginare Berlusconi. Da un lato, come presidente del consiglio, il 19 viene informato che magistrati e carabinieri sono sulle tracce di "un video del presidente" che potrebbe coinvolgerlo. Dall'altro, come proprietario della Mondadori, quel mattino ha sul tavolo il video che magistrati e carabinieri stanno cercando. Non devono essere state ore serene. Se non si muove, se non fa qualcosa, chi toglie dalla testa dell'opinione pubblica che il presidente del consiglio - protetto da uno straordinario conflitto di interessi - governi una "macchina del fango", nel tempo sbattuta contro la reputazione di Dino Boffo (direttore dell'Avvenire), Gianfranco Fini (presidente della Camera), Raimondo Mesiano (giudice responsabile giving him wrong in a civil case)? About azzittirà the cries of "usual left" and "communists" lost behind the bad thought that that video - published or returned or given to the judiciary - is placed in waiting for better times, maybe elections? Berlusconi decides on impulse, as always. He wants to get out from the corner, fold the scene. Call the Governor: "I can say that I was not a gentleman." She tells him to move. He hopes that Marrazzo hurry. Buy the video, it destroys deleting a job that badly can be very dangerous. As you know, the governor is moving slowly, the police quickly. What remains is the history of these days and announces third chapter not yet written. Now Rogne are all of Rome prosecutors because what happened is clear in the light of the Criminal Code. Article 640, receiving stolen property. "Whoever, in order to procure a profit for themselves or others, acquires, receives or hides things from any crime or otherwise intrudes upon them to buy, receive or concealment, shall be punished with imprisonment from two to eight years' . There is no doubt that Signorini, Mauritius and Costa Marina Berlusconi, to obtain a profit, have received that video obviously made with a crime (with violence and violation of domicile). There is no doubt that Silvio Berlusconi has interfered to buy first, and hide, then, that "thing from a crime." If the law is equal for all, it is reasonable to think that Rome prosecutors will try to figure out who has "driven" false blackmailers and send in Milan, on an accrual basis, a hypothetical stolen cards. reserved © Playing: The Republic
(October 30, 2009)
The heart beats left In a historical / political / social like the present, my words are carried away by emotions. I read articles by journalists who can best express what I think and feel. Then copy and paste, without any creativity. Only an album to carry what I admire. And return it to me because "that item is important. As this analysis Mario Pirani on the Republic. Power, sex and lies
indignant because the people left
ANALYSIS MARIO PIRANI 's resignation Piero Marrazzo have a value, before the political, purifying. Are not the answer to the demands of the majority of concerned government but to despair of the people left. With this gesture, the politician has been stripped of his public role and from this point of view the story is closed. It remains a private drama, open to human piety of those who have suffered or Marrazzo was shocked at the failings of an individual. Some reflections, however, are needed. On the day of the primaries had been left to the people to vote with the heart beat of the soul by a disaster, triggered by the case just Marrazzo. The shock can not be exceeded even now comforted with the parallel that comes naturally to all, including how you ended the affair that has engulfed the president of the Lazio Region and the facts, much more damaging to the mix of public and private, that " not "caused the resignation of prime minister. He would, however, abandon any construct ad una valutazione ponderata del grado di accettabilità delle propensioni sessuali dell'uno e dell'altro personaggio. Serve, piuttosto, porsi altri problemi e, in primo luogo, interrogarsi sul perché le reazioni dei due elettorati siano state e siano così divergenti, quasi da delineare una cortina di ferro antropologica tra "popolo di destra" e "popolo di sinistra". Il primo, quello berlusconiano, tranne qualche frangia cattolica osservante e la ristretta élite finiana, in fondo non solo accetta ma si compiace di ciò che Giuliano Ferrara derubrica a "inviti a cena e in villa e sesso un po' a casaccio, con una instancabilità privata divenuta favola pubblica". Bastava, del resto, fare attenzione what he said in recent months and says today, "people", to capture the similarity between the brave mothers who have it with Veronica because "not washing your dirty linen at home" and "machi" or township of Parioli, proud of the purpose of their leaders, as they too could replicate nominees. All this is topped by the fastidious withdrawal from the trial of the many pseudo-liberals, forgetting the difference between the public role and private life and adontati with "Republic" because he told all these obscenities, without regard to the sacred right to privacy. For still others it was enough turn away, divert attention, said that the one and the other are the same, not to get involved the evidence of public ethics, thrown to the winds. Finally, the bad, if they caught some anguish, blame the left is not there. In contrast, the "people of the left" in its assembly and individuals, men and women who belong to it have suffered deep sorrow, if not despair. Almost every one of them is considered personally offended by a gesture considered unbearable. Nor can it be said and repeated that Piero Marrazzo has hurt in the first place to himself and his family and sought to cultivate his sexual orientation a secret, without involving the institution that ran with proven dedication. No, these things could not soothe a grief that only moral resignation permettono ora di elaborare. È, infatti, il nucleo più profondo dell'animo collettivo e individuale della sinistra che è stato leso. Dalla caduta del Muro ad oggi quell'animo è stato sottoposto a una cura terapeutica che, se lo ha disintossicato dall'ideologia e dalla sua proiezione pratica più deleteria - lo stalinismo in tutte le sue forme - , lo ha anche spogliato da illusioni, utopie, speranze troppo avanzate di riscatto economico. La globalizzazione ha smantellato le sue strutture sociali di difesa, i suoi partiti si son fatti sempre più fragili, ognor mutevoli, anche di nome. In questa deriva una sola certezza è rimasta come valore di auto identificazione: l'essere dalla parte - ed essere parte - della gente onesta, per well, those who have nothing to hide, to abide by the law, relying on the Constitution, pay taxes, perhaps because they are considered with the pay, they retain some traces of solidarity. This abhor Berlusconi, by contrast, has legitimized the vices of Italian history, the other Italians, who are perhaps the majority. That fell in the field of Knight have finally found someone who made them ashamed of national vocation to "make do", perhaps with some small or big hoax, evading taxes, working in black, fumbling for a building violation. And above all, living the law, rules, and deep down even some of the 10 Commandments, let alone the Constitution as malicious refusal to explicitly free all you have to do to survive. For this love and identify with Berlusconi, who rang the bell of the "release all" (the other day, even from the obligation to pay fees Rai). What does he care to the conflict of interest, the division of powers, the ridicule thrown on the Judiciary? Indeed, the scandalous conduct, publicly performed, degradation of the corridors of power in places of private pleasure, the promotion of tissue in turn, give to many destitute, the flying buttresses on the waiting list, aspiring to the infinite number "of the famous islands" the Planet "that if all bit 'ago," the plebeian version of "Yes, we can ". The" people of the left "this feels and suffers. I consoled by the fact that you can tell about himself in a mirror opposite, though no longer able to proudly materializes in" diversity "berlingueriana. Imagine that his party to do precisely this reference value, in fact belies the refrain that offends him but also raises doubts: "At the bottom are all equal." For this "sin" by Piero Marrazzo has suffered as "deadly." Why corroborates doubt, especially towards the top, with only good will but not the charisma that generates confidence. Hence the need for a frank and deep reflection seno a quello che formalmente si chiama gruppo dirigente. Perché maturi la consapevolezza che il germe velenoso dell'omologazione subliminale con l'avversario può proliferare grazie a comportamenti similari: designando candidati dotati solo di immagine, siano annunciatori televisivi o giovani il cui curriculum si esaurisce nel certificato di nascita, senza più alcuna verifica delle competenze e della coerenza morale tra pensiero e azione; manifestando in mille occasioni un'arroganza del potere e una sicumera che nulla hanno da invidiare ai loro colleghi dell'altra sponda politica; abbandonando, come finora hanno fatto non il "controllo del territorio", secondo la formuletta che amano ripetere, ma il contatto continuo, fraterno, comprensivo col loro elettorato. Da questo elettorato è venuta una volta di più, con i tre milioni di voti delle primarie, la prova niente affatto scontata che il popolo di sinistra ancora c'è, "ci crede" e ha conservato nel cuore un credito di fiducia, una qualche speranza. Esso seguita ad esprimere una "etica popolare" che si contrappone al cinismo amorale berlusconiano. Non è detto che la dirigenza di centro-sinistra sia capace di leggere in profondità le esigenze di buon governo, sia del partito che del Paese che da questo popolo provengono ancora. Una prima prova la si avrà con la scelta del candidato destinato a concorrere al posto di Marrazzo, quando si svolgeranno le elezioni regional. God forbid you should start the usual debate between the half cartridges eager to make a career, rather than to win. To this I would conclude with a personal proposal. In recent weeks, a character is revealed, or rather, has risen above the average, for being able to trim down in front of millions of viewers, the vulgarity of insulting prime minister, becoming a symbol of a female collected, Rosy Bindi. It should be allowed to choose it by acclamation. reserved © Playing: The Republic (October 28, 2009)
"To denounce the blackmail to the court? No way!" CHRONICLE Machine Mud
's comment Giuseppe D'Avanzo Berlusconi kitchen alone his troubles. Destroys, by day, the walls that his advisers manufacture, at night, to defend him. And they had just rolled up their sleeves, with good will, to repeat - accomplices, weaknesses Piero Marrazzo - the separateness and inviolability of the private sphere from the civil service (again!). Egoarca turns out that the time for the governor warned: "There's a video around against you." Fragment proud of our public life. Deserves to be analyzed, and carefully. It is convenient to do so in four paintings. In the first part, we must rewrite with better word we know. Not Mr. Silvio Berlusconi, but the prime minister - the owner of the largest publishing group in the country - warning the governor "left" that the editor of its journal of gossip (Chi) is holding a video that the compromise. Told you that the daughter (Marina, president of Knopf). At this point, the Prime Minister may advise the other man's government not to lose a minute and to report to the court the blackmail. Not a chance. The President of the Council will give to another who passes through blackmail, or disclose address and phone number: that the government will fix things by just putting hands in their pockets and "pick up the goods from the market", as it seems we say in these cases. It is the practice of men who govern without faith nor law nor the State, either in themselves or in their responsibilities. In a respectable democracy, the argument may be definitive. In the 'hump Italy, "the law is an option, ever having, and then the argument becomes negligible. Trascuriamolo (for a minute) and we imagine that Marrazzo able to buy back that video in the enterprise. is the second picture. Let's see what happens at this point. Piero Marrazzo has announced his second candidacy for the governorship. The vote took place in March. The candidate "left" is aware that his personal and political fate in the hands of the leader of the coalition "of right". At any time, that can pull the rope and break his neck. At that point, who owns the life of Piero Marrazzo? To himself, to his political decisions, to his private behavior or the willingness and the strategies of the antagonist? It is a condition of political vulnerability that full transparency should be advised unless you want to become a puppet. On the contrary, Marrazzo silent and pulls forward. The scandal broke out and the mind ("It's a hoax," There's no video). The scandal became unsustainable and yet refuses responsibility for the truth does not say the warning di Berlusconi; non dice come si procura il denaro che gli occorre per le sue scapestrate avventure. (Sono buone ragioni per chiedergli di nuovo le dimissioni perché non è sufficiente l'ipocrita impostura dell'autosospensione). Quel che accade al governatore ci mostra in piena luce come funziona "una macchina". È il terzo quadro. Al centro della scena, i direttori delle testate di proprietà del presidente del Consiglio (o da lui influenzate). In questo caso, Alfonso Signorini, direttore di Chi, già convocato d'urgenza da una vacanza alle Maldive per confondere, con una manipolazione sublunare della realtà, il legame del premier con una minorenne. Signorini spiega how are things at home dell'Egoarca, prime minister and tycoon. Directly with editors or, indirectly, from external or who wants some easy euro - the directors collect mud suitable for a rite of degradation. Once you have secured the pulp of shame (genuine or phony, it does not matter to them), the director feels the group headquarters, the CEO and president. Who are responsible for informing the Egoarca. At this point, the Prime Minister is master of the game. Thumbs down, and take the attack. Thumbs up, and ends up in an unpopular minority state civil. It happens to the court Mesiano, watched by the cameras of Channel 5. Berlusconi even announces the ambush: "Soon, we will see some good." It happens to the Director of the Future, Dino Boffo, guilty of giving voice to the embarrassment of the parish life of the premier dishonorable. It happens to the President of the Chamber, Gianfranco Fini, head of a careful and reasoned political dissent. It happens to Veronica Lario, wife of a rebel. So clearly, is happening today to the Minister of Economy who can guess the premier journal of some warning. Reads: "Tremonti in the balance"; "If it Tremonti, Draghi arrives." One wonders how many players in the public discourse are now in a position of submission that Marrazzo was willing to accept? fourth and last part, then. We do not live in the best worlds. The personalization of politics has changed throughout the game and the deciding factor in any competition is a positive or negative projection of the politician - and its reliability - in the minds of voters. This is the reason that makes the "political killeraggio - Manuel Castells writes (Communication and power) - the most powerful weapon in the media policy." The methods are known. It calls into question the integrity of the adversary, in public life and private life. Remember what happens to McCain and Kerry? We remind the voters, "explicitly or subliminally, the negative stereotypes associated with the personality of the politician, for example, be black and Muslim in America. It is the lesson that addresses Barack Obama. It distorts the statements or policy positions. We denounce corruption, illegality or unethical conduct in the political parties that support. Of course, the destructive information can be collected, if any, distort them, if they appear dubious or controversial; factory if there are. It's a dirty job, which created the United States, for traders. One of them, Stephen Marks, the Republican consultant, told in a book (Confessions of a Political Hitman, Confessions of a killer political) his modus operandi. It is interesting to sum it up: "The Step, the killer picks up the political mud. Step II, the mud is put into the hands of the pollsters who determine what part of the mud causes most political damage. Step III, the pollsters pass the results to those dealing with advertising, spending two or three most damaging elements on TV, radio and newspapers with the intention of cracking open a political opponent. The third step is the most remarkable. Leaves me open-mouthed the incredible talent of the employees to the media ... when everything is finished, the opponent has suffered a serious blow from which he can no longer recover. "Here, what matters is the segmentation of work and especially" the incredible talent of our employees to the media "because they have to be the most able-bodied and more convincing. I mean, the United States, are not available to the common and necessary move "to cause leaks rimanendo al di fuori della mischia", offrire "merce" che regga a una verifica, a un controllo, che sia significativa e in apparenza corretta anche quando è manipolata. In Italia, non esiste questo scarto. Non c'è questa fatica da fare perché non c'è alcuna segmentazione della politica mediatica. Uno stesso soggetto ordina la raccolta del fango, quando non lo costruisce. Dispone, per la bisogna, di risorse finanziarie illimitate; di direzioni e redazioni; di collaboratori e strutture private; di funzionari disinvolti nelle burocrazie della sicurezza, magari di "paesi amici e non alleati". Non ha bisogno di convincere nessuno a pubblicare quella robaccia. Se la pubblica da sé, sui suoi media, and shall have priority over those that influence political position. This is the "mechanics" who have the eyes and you see - the "machine" - the terrible danger and the absolute failure that goes beyond the amazing and well-known conflicts of interest. What we are is revealed in these hours is a system of domination, a technique of intimidation that makes cold to the bone, which threatens the independence of people, the autonomy of their thoughts and their words. The most honest, wherever they are, they should admit it: we no longer talk of transparency, public accountability, vulnerability, public-private partnerships. More simply, we are discussing today the freedom of those who disagree or opponents. Or those who might feel intimidated to disagree or oppose all'Egoarca. reserved © Playing: The Republic (October 27, 2009)
... a way out of the impasse Italian? POLICY
A good day for democracy
's comment Curzio Maltese Three million voters, fifty thousand volunteers in ten thousand seats, tens of millions of euro collected. If anyone still has doubts about the Democratic Party primary is a fool. Are the most identity of the party, the day of birth. It was a great day for the only party in the world involving many citizens in the selection of the Secretary, but also for democracy. The vote of the electorate has confirmed that the substance of our subscribers. Bersani is the winner, but Franceschini and Marino did not come out losers. The outgoing secretary was yesterday confirmed that he had played well the mission to save the Democratic Party in the worst season and can now deliver to success in good health. Ignazio Marino was the surprise of the popular vote, reflecting the themes of renewal and secularism are much felt by the base. The real news is participation. Three million he had not expected anyone. Much less after the last devastating case of Piero Marrazzo. The democratic people on the other hand responded with an act of generosity and responsibility, qualities rare at the top. The race in the primaries can mark a turning point in the political stalemate . It is a positive shock to the Democratic Party, in search of an identity for too long. And is a shoulder to Berlusconi government already screwed into a clear decline. A shoulder real and powerful, which comes from the conspiratorial elites and palaces in the fabled demagogues, but by millions of Italians. Ordinary citizens who woke up early on Sunday, lined up, paid a fee, since the results into the night. Not because Bersani, Franceschini Marino or are leaders of overwhelming charisma, or the wave of an exciting conference debate. But in the hope of infusing the main opposition party the strength to send home the worst government in the history of the Republic. This is the clear mandate that the three million delivery to the winner Bersani, but also Franceschini and Marino, now called to work together as representatives of minorities within a major project. The question is whether the new leadership will be able to interpret it, or shut the gazebo, will come to take refuge in the rooms smoked strategies so subtle as losers. As it has always happened so far. The new Democratic leader is facing difficult tasks and tight deadlines, hence the regional. The first is to revive the Democratic Party at the helm of an opposition serious in tone, but tough in substance. Harder than ever before. As a "truce" to Berlusconi, more or less voluntary, the center has already offered too much in recent years. Another made a Knight of the stop, at least in world, it would be interpreted as a betrayal of the voters and would result in a political disaster. The second task is to address the renewal within the party that is not the usual white coat of the nomenklatura. Against disturbing cases reported here and there, the basis would expect from Bersani acting with speed and clarity. For the most recent example, that convinces Marrazzo, after the appropriate gesture dell'autosospensione, to carry off the bull and resign immediately resign as governor. should certainly some 'courage, what it has always fallen short of leaders, not really to the people of the center. But the courage, if one has not, millions of votes could even give it to him. A Prodi and Veltroni were not enough. Bersani has taken a lot less, but at the end of true and fought until the last primary. Now he has the opportunity to demonstrate in practice what was right to criticize his predecessors. reserved Reproduction © (La Repubblica)
(October 26, 2009)
the courage to speak, the courage to fight to the end THE STORY
"You see, there are beginning to yield to. I knew." So my caposcorta greeted me yesterday morning. The pain for the protection they seek to weigh me, let us weigh them, it was inevitable. The loneliness of the seven men who protect me from three years I was moved. After statements by the head of the mobile Naples discredit their sacrifice, who question the investigation of the DDA and the Carabinieri in Naples, the feeling that the fight against clan has produced a fracture is strong. I do not think is healthy split into two or more parties that should show a united front, and above all feel, cohesive. Civil society, police, judiciary. Each with its own roles and tasks. But united. Unfortunately, finding that it is not. I know that is not the state as a whole, nor the establishment figures who are heading it to want to miss this single-minded commitment. I am grateful to those who defended me during these years: to the Carabinieri Corps, which in these days has kept quiet out of respect for institutions, but made me feel a great warmth, saying "we'll be there forever." He defended the Naples anti-Mafia through the declarations of Cafiero pm Federico De Raho, Franco Roberti, Raffaele Cantone. He defended the police chief Antonio Manganelli with its assurances and a clear denial of what had been said by an official. I defended my newspaper. I have defended my readers. But a collapse of this compact And yet occurred and a major newspaper if they have echoed. What I say and write is often the result of different subjects, of which my words are as spokesmen. But you try to break that our alliance, suggesting "many work in the shadows without detection while but you ...". Who does this speech has one purpose, to try to isolate, to terminate the relationship that has allowed in recent years to bring to the fore many national and international surveys and actually forced the only local news.
I feel I have a nasty part of Naples and part of the country, for what I say as I say to the media space I try to achieve. I am proud to be disliked this part of Campania, in this part of the Italian and a great part of their political reference. I am proud to dislike star who in recent days has called the radio, wrote on the social forum "finally someone who spits on this fool." I am proud to star dislike these people, I am proud to feel burning in their stomach when they see me and listen when they feel overshadowed. Will never seek their favor, nor their approval. I've always been proud to be disliked by those who say that fighting crime is a story that is only a few policemen and some judges, often leaving them alone. I've always been proud to be disliked by the Naples that is behind the museums, paintings, music in the square, to precipitate the vaunted Renaissance Naples in Naples Middle Ages full of rubbish and in the hands of more criminal entrepreneurs ruthless. I've always been obnoxious to that part of Naples that vote corrupt politicians pretending to believe that they are harmless funny guys who speak in dialect. I've always been proud to be disliked by those who say: "They kill each other" because we expect too many innocent victims to continue to repeat this chant empty. Why so allow Italy and the rest of the world call us racists and cowards if they do not render assistance to those who tragically did not intercept missiles aimed at him. As has happened in Birladeanu Petru, musician killed May 26 in the last subway station that was rescued Montesanto not cowardice, but out of fear. I've always been proud to be disliked by those who can not stand to go on television or on the covers of newspapers, because I have the ambition to believe that my words can change things if there's a lot. It serves to aggregate people's attention. I will always be proud to have this genere di avversari. I più disparati, uniti però dal desiderio che nulla cambi, che chi alza la testa e la voce resti isolato e venga spazzato via com'è successo già troppe volte. Che chi "opera" sulle vicende legate alla criminalità organizzata e all'illegalità in generale, continui a farlo, ma in silenzio, concedendo giusto quell'attenzione momentanea che sappia sempre un po' di folklore. E se percorriamo a ritroso gli ultimi trent'anni del nostro Paese, come non ricordare che Peppino Impastato, Giuseppe Fava e Giancarlo Siani - esposti molto più di me e che prima di me hanno detto verità ora alla portata di tutti - hanno pagato con la vita la loro solitudine. E la volontà di volerli ridurre, in vita, al silenzio. I've always been proud of, instead of being close to another part of Naples and the southern one that in recent years has taken advantage of the reputation of someone that has emerged from its ranks to voice their discomfort, their own commitment to their hopes. Many of them have welcomed me with suspicion, a suspicion that at times has given way to estimate, others critical, but fair and constructive. I am proud to be close to me who were the Jesuit priests who have welcomed me, the associations operating on the territory with which we have faced common and many, many individuals. that I am proud to be close to me but especially those who fiercely disappointed fifteen Bassolino, looking for answers elsewhere, knowing that the bell policy on both sides there is little to be expected. I've always been proud that we are close to me all those bells that have had enough of dying from cancer and see that politicians have come to rule over the years have always score their business with the gangs. Doing, they will, money and career and the waste with cement, creating a consensus around him with tickets purchased from a hundred euro. break was painful to see a united front, built in the years of dedication, which was allowed to remain vigilant on the facts of the Camorra. It was disconcerting to see people totally unrelated to each other to express my opinion on the legality of my escort. The protection is based on news and notes confidential, ethical wills, is not disclosed. I had to show the wounds, to ask those who have investigated can make public a document which speaks explicitly of "death sentence". Things that a man should never be claimed. I had to provide the evidence of hell where I live. I have exhibited, as requested, the cause of the threats. I feel deeply incattivito territory, incarognito. With each other ready to growl behind him. Many have begun to express their opinion without knowing the facts, not knowing anything. Spewing bile, reviews some even said "there is a ruling that the Court has ruled against the stock. The courts do not decide in stocks, because a lot of lies, nonsense, falsehood? Even online polls asking whether it was right or not give me the stock. How pleased were the Camorra, their world, there to observe this spit in the glass each other? From the moment I have been given protection, my life was correct and literally decided the Italian Republic. Not in my name, but in its own name: to defend himself and his principles. All persons who work with words and are accompanied in Italy, are protected to defend a constitutional principle: freedom of speech. The state requires the defense to those who struggle daily in the street against criminal organizations. The state requires the defense to prosecutors so that they can do their jobs knowing that their safety is a big difference. The state requires the defense to those who make inquiries, the writer, who says he can not allow criminal organizations do censorship. In recent years, attacking me as a slanderer of my land, try to expose myself more and more talking about my Safety is a blow not to me but to the health of our democracy and all the people who live my condition. I feel this hate that mounts quiet around me creates consensus in many parts He is seeking the consent of certain leaders of the South with the usual bilious cynicism sees any attempt to make you want to if not better, at least aware of their land, a strategy to make money or career. But I was also asked to join a "code of ethics", said the head of the Mobile of Naples, by the rules. What rules? I'm not a policeman or a policeman or a magistrate. My words tell, do not want to stop, if anything they dream of turning. And I'll never "bon ton" against organized crime, will never accept the old logic of the game between cops and robbers party. The Camorra know that some of them will be arrested, the police know how to handle the arrests that have to do. They always told me, now I have to repeat this: to each his own role. The battle that brought forward as a writer is another. It is based on the cultural change of perception of the phenomenon, not in the address book in any criminal or regarded primarily as a problem of public order. continue to live in a situation like this is difficult, but if it becomes impossible to begin to hinder people trying to undermine what until yesterday was important alliance, just and necessary. I know it is very difficult to experience the reality of the bell, but there is someone who can calmly. I have never been held to greet me from the cells, nor I would have never claimed, rather, as a writer, I received only insults. Someone said in Naples that has managed to make the policeman managed to walk freely with his wife and children without consequences. Good for him he succeeded. I was not able to do the writer being able to walk freely with my family. I swear one day I will succeed. © 2009 Roberto Saviano.
Published by arrangement with Roberto Santachiara Literary Agency reserved © Play (from The Republic ) ( October 16, 2009)
