We are now the Lords in Italy! For over twenty years are in our country for harvesting oranges Fourteen hours of work for 20 €, 5 of which go to the "corporal" fields Driven by the mafia. And 'the revolt of the dispossessed of Italy They sleep wherever it happens: tents, abandoned factories, houses ruined are often subject to racist abuse and victims of organized crime ATTILIO BOLZONI One disused warehouses where the immigrants live in Rosario and the revolt of the past, the revolt of blacks who wander our Italy. Those who are always moving, which are on the move perennial. Season after season, month after month and field after field. To pick oranges or grapes, olives or tomatoes. They live for the land and live in the land. Without a home without anything. In September they were in Sicily, around the vineyards of Marsala. in November were among the olive trees in Puglia's most beautiful Mediterranean. A spring in Campania will migrate to break back in the gardens. Today they were here: in the Plains where the mafia mistress is fiercest in the world. are Ghanaians, Sudanese, Ivorians, Senegalese. They come from Togo, Mauritania, Congo. But for years they are all 'Italian'. In order to survive. To resist. To eat. Every day can take almost 20 euro, for twelve also quattordici ore piegati in due a raccogliere le arance più profumate della Penisola e i mandarini - le clementine - più dolci. Dicono che sono tremila, qualche volta diventano quattromila e forse anche di più. A Rosarno i calabresi sono appena in quindicimila. Quasi il novanta per cento del popolo nero che si trasporta come gli animali in branco non ha ancora trent'anni. Sono uomini, solo uomini. Gli ultimi sono ultimi perché non hanno mai avuto un tetto tutto per loro. Dormono nelle fabbriche abbandonate della Calabria degli sperperi e delle ruberie di mafia e di Stato. Scheletri in mezzo al nulla. Si accampano fra i pilastri arrugginiti di cemento sulla costa, nelle masserie, in riva al mare. Rosarno è come Castelvolturno. Come Campobello di Mazara. Come tutta l'Italia che hanno sempre conosciuto. Il campo e il sonno. È dal 1992 che vengono in questa Piana quando la zagara, il fiore dell'arancio, stordisce con il suo profumo. Non hanno mai freddo e non hanno mai caldo. Non hanno mai un contratto. I 'caporalì li prendono all'alba sui furgoncini, come al mercato del bestiame scelgono i più forti. Ogni 20 euro guadagnati ce ne sono 5 per loro: per i soprastanti che li fanno lavorare. È il pizzo che si fanno pagare i miserabili. E poi loro, per tre o quattro settimane racimolano il loro gruzzolo per non morire. Non hanno documenti, non hanno passato. Solo la giornata counts: the day in the garden of oranges. to Maghreb have found seven unsafe houses outside the village on the road to San Fernando. The Sudanese are somewhere else, under a big tent where they arranged the seats of old cars and slashed tires of a truck as bedside tables. And the Senegalese are still away, near the incinerator, in a factory that once refined olive oil. "I sleep here," Stephan told a year ago, a boy of twenty. Here is the door of a silo where once retained the oil. A metal cylinder where Stephan has brought all of his life: his blanket, a pair of shoes, a Koran, a stove, where every three or four nights can cook a few pieces of lamb and a tomato. Stephan has no water. Stephan does not have a bathroom. There are many like it also headquartered at Gioia Tauro and its port, others were dispersed to Rizziconi. Everyone has seen for the first time in Italy from the rocks of Lampedusa. Loaded as cargo to Al Zuwara in Libya closer to Sicily. It landed as immigrants in Europe. There are blacks more fortunate, those who have found a shed as a roof for the night. Each warehouse has an inscription of paint reminiscent of the starting point for each group: Dakar, Rabat, Fes, Mombasa. Warehouses in the beds are made of cardboard. Yasser also has its bed of soggy cardboard. He had two months in Puglia ago, have it here in Rosario. "We sleep a little," he says. Dawn is already among the orange groves. And just at sunset in the back shed where there is written Casablanca. He says: "I live in fear, afraid to say to my family live here in Europe." is almost twenty years the people of the last wanders from land to land in Italy. In the silence, indifference. No one ever says, but clearly are 'ndrine, the families of the Calabrian Mafia, most of all suck the blood to the last. The 'ndrine who oranges, which have everything in the Plains. The mobsters are waiting for them to step in after Christmas. When it is harvest time. © reserved Reproduction: The Republic
(08 January 2010)
ADMIRATION LETTER Saviano meets Bondi "That's why we can not remain silent" - Appeal to the Justice: the writer on letter from the Minister of Culture invited him not to take sides
by Roberto Saviano Dear Minister Sandro Bondi, thank you for your letter and the attention given to my work: I appreciated your respectful tone and dialogue not granted these days, and then in the same tone and attitude to the dialogue I want to answer. As I know, I have often drawn attention to certain issues can not and should not be considered the preserve of a political party. I have also always understood my struggle as something other than a certain idea of \u200b\u200bmilitancy that is recognized in full in a grid. I have always believed that they should belong to all the principles that you mention - freedom, justice, human dignity and I add also the right to happiness in any society is experiencing. And that is why I always hated the abuse of power, it takes the form of a totalitarian system of any color, or, as I have experienced since adolescence, under the form of the system Camorra. too I hope to be back in Italy a more civilized atmosphere and I have repeatedly reached out beyond the fences because they are convinced that a political division of each district for which you denigrate and delegitimize the block, is something that hurts. But today the climate of tension in this country is because everyone knows that, depending on the position that it intends to take against the Government, will see their lives defamed, you'll see every kind of denigration against the future of their loved ones, can see hindered their career opportunities. Germany few days ago I was honored Scholl Award, in memory of two students organization Christian White Rose, a brother and sister, executed by the Nazis with their peaceful opposition to beheading for having just written leaflets and have invited the Germans not to gag. All the people I met there at the awards ceremony at the University of Monaco, was concerned about what is happening today in Italy in the field of press freedom and law. It was not an award of dangerous or subversive conspirators who knows what anti-Italian. Quite the contrary. German Bavarian Christian gathering commemorating their martyrs. All seriously concerned about what is happening in Italy and all ready to ask me how do I take the freedom of expression but to continue to work in Italy. is not a good sign and, as a writer, I can only pick up the embarrassment of being welcomed as a sort of intellectual in a country where freedom of expression undergoes an exception. The program showed she appreciated in the early evening, the terror caused by the Russian Communist regime, and Castro's persecution of the Cuban writers and hell in Iran of Ahmadinejad. Everything was broadcast in a broadcast as "Che tempo che fa", as RaiTre on a network, so often accused of being partisan, ideological, enslaved to the left or even a boss as Sandokan liked to call "Telekabul" . To demonstrate this, Minister, quanto siano spesso pretestuose e false le accuse che vengono fatte contro chi invece si prefigge il compito di raccontare per bisogno - o dovere - di verità. Però sono altrettanto convinto che a volte, proprio per semplice senso civile, non si possa stare zitti. Che bisogna prendere posizione al costo di schierarsi. E schierarsi non significa ideologicamente. La paura che questa legge possa colpire il paese sia per i suoi effetti pratici, sia per l'ingiustizia che ratifica, in me è assolutamente reale e per niente pretestuosa. In questi anni, ossia da quando vivo sotto scorta, ho avuto modo di poter approfondire cosa significhi, tradotto nel funzionamento di uno stato democratico, il concetto di Justice. I understand that it is not only the defense of legality, but what sustains it and makes it more functional is the preservation of law and the rule of law. I decided to publish this appeal because the law on the process seems like a quick heavy attack - not the first, but what I think is by far the stronger - to the detriment of a good key for all Italian citizens, of right or left, as I wrote and I really like. And I assure you that I'd do it tomorrow, without fear of being ascribed to a part and to be able to pay the consequences. There is nothing in this act that does not correspond to anything I've done or said. The these are my views and the rest could not act otherwise. What prompts me to tell, in the early evening, the cruel murders of two young women whose only crime was to have been manifested in the square, in a peaceful manner. What prompts me to recount the crimes of communism in Russia and the abuses of the multinationals in Africa is not a "get the demon to take possession of the politicization of culture and partitizzazione" but another demon. What he intended to tell the truth or at least try. Information for those who are uncomfortable with and who listens, observes, the law. In Italy the drift that is taking the rule of law is dangerous because has all the features of irreversibility. That's why I act this way because it is the only way I know to be a writer, this is the only way I know to be a man. I greet you with warmth © 2009 Roberto Saviano. Published by arrangement with Roberto Santachiara Literary Agency reserved © Playing: The Republic (November 23, 2009) .... ............................................... .... ............................................... .............................. Former President: "I do not use appeals to join, but agree to Saviano" Concerned about the health of our democracy, "Manipulation rules" Ciampi: "Enough" ad personam "laws, Berlusconi delegitimize the institutions" of
MASSIMO GIANNINI "We live a sad time. In the final years of my life, really did not imagine having to watch such a barbarity of political action, an assault so brutal and systematic institutions and values \u200b\u200bin which I believed ...». The first thing that strikes you, in the words of Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, is the bitterness. Deep bitterness of the fate of Italy and conditions of our democracy. Never as much as on this occasion the former head of state, a true "noble father" of the Republic, launches its indictment of those responsible for this "barbarism" and this "aggression": Silvio Berlusconi, his government and his majority, who are tearing down to "pick hits" the principles on which stands the Constitution, that "our civil Bible." "You see - reasons Ciampi - my bitterness comes from the realization of what is happening everyday now on justice, not only on justice. There has been a real deterioration of collective values, you feel a sense of constant manipulation delle regole, una perdita inesorabile di quelli che sono i punti cardinali del nostro vivere civile". Vale per tutto: non solo i rapporti tra politica e magistratura. Le relazioni tra potere esecutivo e Parlamento, tra governo e presidenza della Repubblica, tra premier e organi di garanzia, a partire dalla Corte costituzionale. L'intero sistema istituzionale, secondo Ciampi, è esposto ad un'opera di progressiva "destrutturazione". "Qui non è più una questione di battaglia politica, che può essere anche aspra, come è naturale in ogni democrazia. Qui si destabilizzano i riferimenti più solidi dell'edificio democratico, cioè le istituzioni, e si umiliano i valori che le istituzioni rappresentano. Questa è la mia amara reflection ...". Ciampi, perhaps for the first time, speaks bluntly of the Knight, and what has been and is in this "decaying landscape." "I remember a book by Marc Lazar , released a couple of years ago, where I used to come and Berlusconi as recounted details of a pendulum: on the one hand Ciampi, the man who defends the institutions, and across Berlusconi, the man who delegitimize the institutions . Never before today I would say that this picture sums up perfectly what I think. I have lived my whole life in institutions and the institutions that are the heart of democracy. And do not forget the lessons of the Revolution Neapolitan Vincenzo Cuoco 1797: the happiness of the people are no longer necessary orders that the men, the institutions beyond the boundaries of generations. But then, to the viability of the institutions, we need men and their civic passions, their ideals of democracy. And I, today, this is what I see lacking in those who govern us ...". The last chapter of this nefarious "rewriting" the Constitution of our formal and material justice concerns, of course, and now the Lodo Alfano also the bill on the short process by which the prime minister to clear the two processes that concern him, he scorched earth of the entire judiciary power. On this conviction of Ciampi is without appeal: "The reforms are made by citizens, not for individuals. I always thought, and today I am more convinced than ever: enough with the ad personam" laws, which do not solve people's problems and do not help the country to improve ". Fa more, the former president. It goes to reflect on what might happen if and when this new law is approved, shame: "I do not give advice to anyone, least of all to those who have succeeded at the Quirinale. But the head of state among its powers, has one of the promulgation. If a law is not not signing it. It should not be used as an argument for always so that the promulgation if Parliament rejected the law to re-approve the first time, the president is then forced to sign it. Meanwhile promulgation of the law at first reading: The Constitution expressly provides that presidential prerogative. The use: a way to send a strong message to those who want to alter the rules, the Parliament and the public. "Ciampi Napolitano does not name, but it makes an implicit reference to Francesco Saverio Borrelli:" I think for those who care institutions today, the only rule to be respected is that of "quantum potes": do what you can. In other words: hold on. " He himself, in his seven years on the Hill, has resisted several times behind the Knight. From the Gasparri law for the tv to the reform of the judiciary of Castles:" You true, but I just did my duty. There is one thing, which I regret to this day: my only message to the Chambers, the pluralism of broadcasting and information. Then it was a crucial issue for the quality of our democracy. The Parliament has not picked it up, and since then has not done anything. Today, just watching TV to realize, that theme is even more serious. A real emergency. " But so dark, according to Ciampi, there is also some glimmer of light. For example, the call to" Republic "by Roberto Saviano, who asks the prime minister to withdraw the law on 'abbreviated process, the "rule of privilege." "I - says the president emeritus of the Republic - for the role I played I do not use sign calls. But I agree with from beginning to end to Saviano. Responds to one of the principles that have guided me all my life. And the fact I've got so many acceptances represents hope, especially for young people. It's the old motto of the Rosselli brothers: Do not give up. They paid with their lives for faithfulness to this principle. Here and now, in Italy, there is at stake people's lives. But there are values \u200b\u200bfor which we fought and which we believed. At stake is the good democracy: trust me, it is enough to not give up. " reserved © Reproduction: The Republic
(November 23, 2009)
Illustrious William Shakespeare, knows Justice? INQUIRY
For Silvio Berlusconi 18 laissez-passers in 15 years of
Giuseppe D'Avanzo ALSO William Shakespeare may be useful to understand how Berlusconi defends himself against the humanity, precarious "truth" that the judiciary has the duty to order. In Measure for Measure - "dark comedy" that tells of justice, power, authority, morality, human dignity - the Lord Deputy Angelo met Isabella begs him to save his brother from the death penalty (Scene IV, Act II). The Lord: "He will not die, Isabella, if you give me love." Isabella: "I denunzierò Angelo, mind you! Signature immediately lose my brother or I will proclaim aloud, before all, what kind of man you are." The Lord: "And those who want to believe you, Isabella? My name (...) and the place it occupies in the State will have more weight than your charges. Everything you say will have the taste of slander (.. .) around Tell me everything you know. My lies will have more weight in your truth. " The way in which Silvio Berlusconi is defended by the judiciary is in those few words, "My lie will have more weight." To put it in a formula Massimo Noble (Immorality necessary, the Mill) is "the force of power against truth." This is the paradigm that has always been the head of government opposed to justice. If you want to have a concrete idea, it is interesting to bring to light the fragment of a story in 1994. In summer, it runs as follows: Berlusconi has won his first election, is housed in the Palazzo Chigi. In another corner of Italy, Sciacca (Agrigento), the police are frying in the heat of August, the traces left behind by Salvatore Di Ganci, high-ranking mobster. The mafia if you slipped away under their noses. In less than an hour, gave up his desk as director of the Central Savings Fund to become a fugitive and avoid arrest. Now the police seek Him and trust that his friends on the phone sooner or later, can lend a hand with a careless word. Have telephone lines under control. Among others, the number of Massimo Maria Berruti. Nice guy, this Berruti, now three parliamentary terms of office of the Republic (Forza Italy, PDL). In 1978, as captain of the Guardia di Finanza, check Edilnord (company Fininvest Group, as at the time of Umberto Previti Edilnord S. & C.). Ask Silvio Berlusconi. That, with leather face, telling him to ignore those who were members of the society: "I am just a consultant." Berruti drinks lie. Close control. Shortly after, leaving the body e, come avvocato, prende a curare gli interessi di alcune società della Fininvest. In quell'estate del 1994, Berruti è attivissimo come il suo telefono. L'uomo ha un problema: sa che i pubblici ministeri di Milano ronzano intorno ai militari del Nucleo tributario della Guardia di Finanza che, nel 1991, si sono messi in tasca 130 milioni di lire per chiudere gli occhi in una verifica fiscale alla Mondadori. L'8 giugno Berruti incontra, a Palazzo Chigi, Berlusconi e, nelle settimane successive, cerca un "contatto" con l'ufficiale corrotto per dirgli di tenere la bocca chiusa sulla Mondadori, se dovesse essere interrogato dai pubblici ministeri. La manovra non sfugge alla procura. Arresta il mediatore (un sottufficiale Guardia di Finanza). Which tells of the pressures. Berruti feels that for him the hours are counted. Will be questioned, perhaps arrested. Now is August 10, 1994, are 10.29, and the police to intercept the conversation Sciacca Berruti with Berlusconi. The document noise, collected in the investigation of the Mafia Hooks, can not by law be used in other proceedings. However, even today, that conversation between Berruti and keeps its head and reveals the entire catalog of content, in fifteen years, Berlusconi will use to defend herself from her past, convinced that the lie has the power, should have more weight " truth. " For him, it is not convincing Another trick that, nothing else. So begins Berruti (calling from home, known or presumed to be heard): "I am Maximus, President ... [Prosecutors] I want to talk. It seems that someone has said I am going to ask someone not to speak of things Fininvest. Berlusconi's up to explain what man must do and say to the prosecutors: "Okay, you say, but you are crazy ... It says, I have nothing to hide. You make something of this kind a Citizen of the Republic, you stand upon ... and she starts screaming: you are crazy, wild animals, you can not put me in jail, this is kidnapping, etc. ... [Man that prosecutors will say]: piece of stoned who understands fireflies for lanterns ... Then make statements to reporters, it can not be more of these crazy people. Make statements before entering into it. [Say] With all this there is nothing to go against the interests of the country because the country needs to work on trust, in peace, we must rebuild! .. They [judges] ... are public enemies. " If you sort out these sentences - the most sincere liars that Berlusconi has never said - can be found, stripped, the nucleus of the reasons that the more authentic Egoarca opposed to a judiciary that is found between the hands the concrete evidence of a system Economic built through corruption and fraud. Berlusconi did not agree to discuss the habits of his shop or provide evidence that the prosecutors doubt is unfounded, a certainty without evidence, a document - in appearance, opaque - a double reading. Rejects the legitimacy of asking the root account of his behavior. It does not recognize any validity and constitutionality of the work of the judiciary (to determine what happened to responsibility of the person). It 'the only way out that can free him from any disputes which can not address. The men in robes are "crazy." Before you know what they know or have collected, or want to ask, you just scream against; gridare allo scandalo, alla violenza; denunciarli come eversori che distruggono la "fiducia del Paese". Sono "nemici pubblici" che bisogna allontanare e annichilire. Pur di non rispondere di ciò che è stato, il capo del governo è disposto anche a sopportare il peggiore dei sospetti. Ancora oggi, nella ricerca di impunità, Berlusconi si muove lungo la via che, quindici anni fa, indica a Massimo Maria Berruti. Si tiene lontano dalle aule. Arringa al "pubblico" la sua innocenza e le cattive intenzioni di quei "matti" in toga nera. Invoca il maglio dell'informazione (che controlla) per intimidirli, umiliarli, screditarli e la manipolazione dei media (che influenza) per distruggere il passato, oscurare lies with the facts, let wither - in public - the memory. It is' the force of power against the truth, "as it better? Berlusconi claims his power to eliminate any charge, any trial, any witness and, together, degrade function subordinate to any other power of the state that could force him to deal with the "truth." The maneuver is even transparent. "If [Silvio] did not enter politics unless he founded Forza Italy, we [Mediaset] today we would be under a bridge or in jail on charges of Mafia," confesses Fedele Confalonieri (Republic, June 25, 2000). Berlusconi, the weapon of improper political power, has tirelessly agitated. ad personam laws of eighteen who has written eight protect and strengthen its business, the ten protected by law. He rewrote the rules of the process (the time of prescription), codes of procedure (the ban on the prosecution to appeal against acquittals). Has legislated to abolish crimes (false accounting), remove the judges (reasonable suspicion), cancel sources of evidence (letters rogatory). Finally, to make them immune (the laws "Schifani" and "Alfano"). At first, he disguised his conflict of interest poses humble: "The prime minister, who is a primus inter pares and coordinates the work of other ministers, has a moral obligation to abstain on the table when decisions are likely to extend to his interests "(Courier, September 20, 2000). Today, after the rejection of the" Alfano law ", this mask has fallen, and the head of government claims of be "primus super peers." It may be deduced that "the law is equal for everyone, but it is not always its application, especially for the head of government," in accordance with its role of popular sovereignty "(Nicholas Ghedini the Constitutional Court, October 6, 2009). E 'claim to sovereignty un'indivisibilità that eclipses any power-sharing institutions. There is nothing new under the sun because it is "An eternal" that those in power, if not a limit, nor abusers. As the Lord Deputy of Shakespeare, 1604. amazing is that this takes place in 2009, the liberal West in Italy. Where the legend of an "aggressive record" (16 processes are not 106, as the head of government), also soi disantes liberals may argue that compliance with the rules is the most nefarious of their violation or, alternatively, that to save Republic should immunize a single citizen of the country. With the outcome - this is what awaits us, if Berlusconi will win the day - even to decriminalize the offense of corruption in a public arena where it abolished all distinctions between potere legislativo, esecutivo e giudiziario con la creazione di uno "stato d'eccezione" che annulla e contraddice ogni aspetto normativo del diritto, anche quello fondamentale di essere eguali davanti alla legge. E' un paradigma di governo che invoca, in nome della sovranità, "pieni poteri" (plein pouvoirs). Come se potessimo trascurare, anche soltanto per un attimo, che l'esercizio sistematico dell'eccezione conduce necessariamente alla liquidazione della democrazia. (Le prime due puntate sono state pubblicate il 18 e il 20 novembre ) © Riproduzione riservata: La Repubblica
(November 23, 2009)
Forum "Women of Reality" at the House of Women and Crime CHRONICLE Conference organized by the group "Women of reality" with the collaboration of our newspaper and Fnsi Conference in Rome: "The risk of return of hostile sexism for all women "
MARIA NOVELLA DE LUCA ROME - A passionate debate, concrete, hard. Between generations of women who come together and decide to re-count, to influence the present, while the Italian company seems to walk backwards, removing rights and freedoms that seemed safe and well-established. A continuous and steady dismantling, through media campaigns ever so relentless, that the feminine side show more and more naked bodies, submission or indulgence. This was discussed yesterday in Rome, in a crowded conference organized by the Milan group "Women of Reality", with the cooperation of the Republic Fnsi and that the appeal to the dignity of women has gathered in recent weeks over one hundred thousand signatures. Launched a forum to talk about "other women," those that are beyond the portrait that makes the newspapers, television and advertising, where the only goal of the female gender seems to be "to ingratiate himself with the male more rich and powerful as possible." to reflect and discuss the House of the women of Rome with an audience "transgenerational", the philosopher Michael Marzano, a signatory along with Nadia Urbinati Barbata Spinelli and the title of "Republic", Chiara Volpato, Professor of Social Psychology at the University "Bicocca" of Milan, Miriam Mafai, the founder of "Women of reality." And in the background, on a white screen, photo galleries sent to our newspaper from readers of the Republic, 350 thousand faces of women's cheerful, humorous, serious, true, "women of reality" in fact, 350 thousand different stories but all "offended by the Premier" . Because what is happening today in the Italian society, said Chiara Volpato, is the return of a "hostile sexism in all women showing skills, who reject the stereotype of "ornament" is on talk shows and in real life. "And when a woman resists, as in the now famous" do not have at its disposal "to Prime Minister Rosy Bindi," here that men attack and insult. "" In many European countries, not to mention the United States, sexism is decreasing, we are increasing. And some politicians are right to be its spokesman. "With a language that elsewhere would be prohibited and Volpato cites the BBC, where there is a handbook of rules with which these issues" sensitive "should be treated. Topic taken up by Miriam Mafai that launched the ' to propose the idea to adapt the rules of the Rai BBC ... Much has been done in terms of equal opportunities, but the road seems backwards. A style of life and thought that Michael Marzano has resulted in new dictatorship on women's bodies "that is prohibited to show the limit, illness, aging, and one company" still patriarchal continues to issue rules to control life and female sexuality. "emblematic example the recent debate and hot Italian," on the pill Ru496, where people sought to politicians to decide what was right or wrong for women's health. " reserved © Reproduction: The Republic - VIDEO
(November 22 2009)
