Monday, November 23, 2009

Period For 2 Weeks Brown

Illustrious William Shakespeare, knows Justice?

INQUIRY
For Silvio Berlusconi 18 laissez-passers in 15 years of
Giuseppe D'Avanzo


ALSO William Shakespeare may be useful to understand how Berlusconi defends himself against the humanity, precarious "truth" that the judiciary has the duty to order. In Measure for Measure - "dark comedy" that tells of justice, power, authority, morality, human dignity - the Lord Deputy Angelo met Isabella begs him to save his brother from the death penalty (Scene IV, Act II). The Lord: "He will not die, Isabella, if you give me love." Isabella: "I denunzierò Angelo, mind you! Signature immediately lose my brother or I will proclaim aloud, before all, what kind of man you are." The Lord: "And those who want to believe you, Isabella? My name (...) and the place it occupies in the State will have more weight than your charges. Everything you say will have the taste of slander (.. .) around Tell me everything you know. My lies will have more weight in your truth. "

The way in which Silvio Berlusconi is defended by the judiciary is in those few words, "My lie will have more weight." To put it in a formula Massimo Noble (Immorality necessary, the Mill) is "the force of power against truth." This is the paradigm that has always been the head of government opposed to justice. If you want to have a concrete idea, it is interesting to bring to light the fragment of a story in 1994.

In summer, it runs as follows: Berlusconi has won his first election, is housed in the Palazzo Chigi. In another corner of Italy, Sciacca (Agrigento), the police are frying in the heat of August, the traces left behind by Salvatore Di Ganci, high-ranking mobster. The mafia if you slipped away under their noses. In less than an hour, gave up his desk as director of the Central Savings Fund to become a fugitive and avoid arrest. Now the police seek Him and trust that his friends on the phone sooner or later, can lend a hand with a careless word. Have telephone lines under control. Among others, the number of Massimo Maria Berruti. Nice guy, this Berruti, now three parliamentary terms of office of the Republic (Forza Italy, PDL).

In 1978, as captain of the Guardia di Finanza, check Edilnord (company Fininvest Group, as at the time of Umberto Previti Edilnord S. & C.). Ask Silvio Berlusconi. That, with leather face, telling him to ignore those who were members of the society: "I am just a consultant." Berruti drinks lie. Close control. Shortly after, leaving the body e, come avvocato, prende a curare gli interessi di alcune società della Fininvest.

In quell'estate del 1994, Berruti è attivissimo come il suo telefono. L'uomo ha un problema: sa che i pubblici ministeri di Milano ronzano intorno ai militari del Nucleo tributario della Guardia di Finanza che, nel 1991, si sono messi in tasca 130 milioni di lire per chiudere gli occhi in una verifica fiscale alla Mondadori. L'8 giugno Berruti incontra, a Palazzo Chigi, Berlusconi e, nelle settimane successive, cerca un "contatto" con l'ufficiale corrotto per dirgli di tenere la bocca chiusa sulla Mondadori, se dovesse essere interrogato dai pubblici ministeri. La manovra non sfugge alla procura. Arresta il mediatore (un sottufficiale Guardia di Finanza). Which tells of the pressures. Berruti feels that for him the hours are counted. Will be questioned, perhaps arrested.

Now is August 10, 1994, are 10.29, and the police to intercept the conversation Sciacca Berruti with Berlusconi. The document noise, collected in the investigation of the Mafia Hooks, can not by law be used in other proceedings. However, even today, that conversation between Berruti and keeps its head and reveals the entire catalog of content, in fifteen years, Berlusconi will use to defend herself from her past, convinced that the lie has the power, should have more weight " truth. " For him, it is not convincing Another trick that, nothing else.
So begins Berruti (calling from home, known or presumed to be heard): "I am Maximus, President ... [Prosecutors] I want to talk. It seems that someone has said I am going to ask someone not to speak of things Fininvest.

Berlusconi's up to explain what man must do and say to the prosecutors: "Okay, you say, but you are crazy ... It says, I have nothing to hide. You make something of this kind a Citizen of the Republic, you stand upon ... and she starts screaming: you are crazy, wild animals, you can not put me in jail, this is kidnapping, etc. ... [Man that prosecutors will say]: piece of stoned who understands fireflies for lanterns ... Then make statements to reporters, it can not be more of these crazy people. Make statements before entering into it. [Say] With all this there is nothing to go against the interests of the country because the country needs to work on trust, in peace, we must rebuild! .. They [judges] ... are public enemies. "

If you sort out these sentences - the most sincere liars that Berlusconi has never said - can be found, stripped, the nucleus of the reasons that the more authentic Egoarca opposed to a judiciary that is found between the hands the concrete evidence of a system Economic built through corruption and fraud. Berlusconi did not agree to discuss the habits of his shop or provide evidence that the prosecutors doubt is unfounded, a certainty without evidence, a document - in appearance, opaque - a double reading. Rejects the legitimacy of asking the root account of his behavior. It does not recognize any validity and constitutionality of the work of the judiciary (to determine what happened to responsibility of the person). It 'the only way out that can free him from any disputes which can not address. The men in robes are "crazy."

Before you know what they know or have collected, or want to ask, you just scream against; gridare allo scandalo, alla violenza; denunciarli come eversori che distruggono la "fiducia del Paese". Sono "nemici pubblici" che bisogna allontanare e annichilire. Pur di non rispondere di ciò che è stato, il capo del governo è disposto anche a sopportare il peggiore dei sospetti.

Ancora oggi, nella ricerca di impunità, Berlusconi si muove lungo la via che, quindici anni fa, indica a Massimo Maria Berruti. Si tiene lontano dalle aule. Arringa al "pubblico" la sua innocenza e le cattive intenzioni di quei "matti" in toga nera. Invoca il maglio dell'informazione (che controlla) per intimidirli, umiliarli, screditarli e la manipolazione dei media (che influenza) per distruggere il passato, oscurare lies with the facts, let wither - in public - the memory. It is' the force of power against the truth, "as it better? Berlusconi claims his power to eliminate any charge, any trial, any witness and, together, degrade function subordinate to any other power of the state that could force him to deal with the "truth." The maneuver is even transparent. "If [Silvio] did not enter politics unless he founded Forza Italy, we [Mediaset] today we would be under a bridge or in jail on charges of Mafia," confesses Fedele Confalonieri (Republic, June 25, 2000). Berlusconi, the weapon of improper political power, has tirelessly agitated.

ad personam laws of eighteen who has written eight protect and strengthen its business, the ten protected by law. He rewrote the rules of the process (the time of prescription), codes of procedure (the ban on the prosecution to appeal against acquittals). Has legislated to abolish crimes (false accounting), remove the judges (reasonable suspicion), cancel sources of evidence (letters rogatory). Finally, to make them immune (the laws "Schifani" and "Alfano"). At first, he disguised his conflict of interest poses humble: "The prime minister, who is a primus inter pares and coordinates the work of other ministers, has a moral obligation to abstain on the table when decisions are likely to extend to his interests "(Courier, September 20, 2000).

Today, after the rejection of the" Alfano law ", this mask has fallen, and the head of government claims of be "primus super peers." It may be deduced that "the law is equal for everyone, but it is not always its application, especially for the head of government," in accordance with its role of popular sovereignty "(Nicholas Ghedini the Constitutional Court, October 6, 2009). E 'claim to sovereignty un'indivisibilità that eclipses any power-sharing institutions. There is nothing new under the sun because it is "An eternal" that those in power, if not a limit, nor abusers. As the Lord Deputy of Shakespeare, 1604.

amazing is that this takes place in 2009, the liberal West in Italy. Where the legend of an "aggressive record" (16 processes are not 106, as the head of government), also soi disantes liberals may argue that compliance with the rules is the most nefarious of their violation or, alternatively, that to save Republic should immunize a single citizen of the country. With the outcome - this is what awaits us, if Berlusconi will win the day - even to decriminalize the offense of corruption in a public arena where it abolished all distinctions between potere legislativo, esecutivo e giudiziario con la creazione di uno "stato d'eccezione" che annulla e contraddice ogni aspetto normativo del diritto, anche quello fondamentale di essere eguali davanti alla legge. E' un paradigma di governo che invoca, in nome della sovranità, "pieni poteri" (plein pouvoirs). Come se potessimo trascurare, anche soltanto per un attimo, che l'esercizio sistematico dell'eccezione conduce necessariamente alla liquidazione della democrazia.

(Le prime due puntate sono state pubblicate il 18 e il 20 novembre )

© Riproduzione riservata: La Repubblica
(November 23, 2009)

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