the investigation.
The prosecutor of Rome will also be receiving the
The raid takes place on July 3, 11, and already the filamto is offered for sale
For too long this video Marrazzo
kept in rooms Berlusconi
of Giuseppe D'Avanzo
blackmail Marrazzo. The source close to the investigation we do not turn around: "There is no other politician of the right or left, minister in charge, the outgoing minister, professional famous or unknown," Chiappe golden or silver in our survey ". Maybe it will show up tomorrow or maybe never. In the meantime, it must be said that the names vivamaria of rumors and whispers that poison or excite the Palace is only an effective work to confuse the affair. Which has two chapters. The first is known. In unison all - for once - Request that it be closed with the resignation of Marrazzo. Private concerns weaknesses of the governor, the lightness of a public man who, blackmailed, does not denounce the blackmail, and discovered the blackmail, mind or concealing the reckless hope of saving the neck and reputation. But it was true or blackmail Marrazzo may have some reason if he believed, for almost four months, has been the victim of a robbery and not extortion?
must then read the second chapter in the history of events where the plot is disjointed, contradictory succession, wills and actions without meaning. Three policemen, three types of claims, with the help of a pusher addict (Gianguarino Cafasso), penetrate by force in an apartment where the governor is accompanied by a viado. The banging against a wall. Oblige him to slip off his pants (it's the latest version of Marrazzo). Arrange a stage with trans scollacciato, money, cocaine, pass the 'National Association of cinema operators "with photos. Take over the scene with a cell phone. The empty your wallet (2,000 €). Forced him to sign three checks for 20 000 euro (not collections). If they leave. It is July 3, Friday. Already a few days later, on July 11, the pusher contact addict, through his lawyer, drafting Free (directed by Victor Felts). It is a bizarre blackmail with the blackmailers that does not even try to extract money the victim, but are concerned about now to make the weapon inoperable threatening that they caused. Why? The reason we have it under your eyes: Piero Marrazzo has never been blackmailed by the police. The rogues there have ever thought. Should behave in another way. They have the governor in their hands, too scared to report them. They can sit back and squeeze it for good, and long, getting money and favors. It would appear, this is not their mission. Do not ask for nothing, want nothing, are never alive to beat cash. The dirty work is another who must attend to: fit the governor and "honor". Why try to sell the video soon. The initiative, at first, it seems silly, incomprehensible, if we talk about extortion. Turn PhotoMasi agency in Milan. Carmen Masi is not wrong to ask today: "As a blackmailer tries to make public the object of blackmail? Is absurd." In fact, it is. You have a booty that can take time and turn it into a dish of lentils ate it once and forever?
Who then are these villains dressed as policemen? We must ask the source close to the investigation. That scratches his head and says, "We'll deal with in due course. Now you can do only three cases. 1. There are three beggars. 2. They are" controlled. "3. There are other-directed." The first hypothesis is most unlikely. "To make sense a history that can not stand, it must set aside the blackmail that is not there, that there never was, and explore the road take the video. Who sees it? Who owns it?
It is, therefore, on July 11. A lawyer, on behalf of the pusher addict, contact the editors of Free. Two journalists, three days later (15), meet Gianguarino Cafasso showing them in a hovel of Cassia, the movie with Marrazzo. Cafasso is talking about "political and trans, he knows everything" and one called "Chiappe of gold." He wants 500 thousand euro (which in time will be reduced to 90 000) for images of the governor, "so I close with this life." The journalists are not convinced. The three minutes of the video seem fake. They want to see him again. Nothing to do. A couple of days to decide whether or not it's okay, Cafasso said. Victor Felts inform the journalists who decide to give up. The video is still moving. First of August is proposed to Today (group Rizzoli). An envoy of the Weekly Preview Sept. 1 in Rome. The looks fake. He wants to verify its accuracy. He is prevented. The direction of Today (Andrea Monti. Umberto Brindani), a few days later, closed the deal with PhotoMasi, was responsible for marketing the fourth policeman creator of the band. The disk continues to rotate in mysterious ways that go beyond the agency's contacts in Milan. It is no longer Cafasso to move it. Struck dai suoi vizi e dal diabete, è morto in una stanza d'albergo. In settembre sente parlare del video Maurizio Belpietro, diventato direttore di Libero. Riesce a farselo mostrare, anche se non ne entra in possesso, il 12 ottobre. Anche lui s'impiomba dinanzi a quelle immagini troppo confuse che ipotizza false, ma ormai negli ambienti del governo e del centro-destra molti sanno che quel video esiste e che, prima o poi, si troverà il modo per mostrarlo a tutti. C'è chi storce la bocca per il disgusto e lascia filtrare da fine settembre la notizia del "filmatino", rifiutato da Feltri e Belpietro. Sono i primi giorni di ottobre, ormai, e il lavoro sporco dei carabinieri, forse "comandati", forse eterodiretti, mostra la corda. Nessuno vuole il tested in the video which would have the political interest - Cafasso is explicit with reporters Libero - to publish it. Felt has declined. Belpietro did not want him. Mario Giordano, director of the newspaper until July, has not even been proposed.
must start again, changing something in the procedure. When Carmen Masi contact Alfonso Signorini, Director of Chi (Knopf), gets the video material (the agency has never owned) and is finally allowed to leave the four villains in view of the possible buyer. It is October 5, Signorini receives the disk, signing a receipt. Copy the images. Now it is crucial to know what happens between the Mondadori, Palazzo Grazioli, Villa San Martino, between 5 and Oct. 19, when Berlusconi Marrazzo called to tell him that there is a video that would be better off compromising and ricomprarselo agency that while the telephone number and a Carmen Masi possible mediator. In the fog, there is some fixed point. Signorini decides not to publish. It is certain that the diskette does not return. It is certain that informs the chairman of the Mondadori (Marina Berlusconi) and the CEO (Maurizio Costa). It is certain that Silvio Berlusconi has a way of seeing the video that Signorini delivered to the Navy. The time will be decisive. When the manager who delivered the images to Marina? When the Navy shows his father? How long Silvio Berlusconi roll over in his hands the disk before you call to Marrazzo?
The time is crucial because, in those hours, the devil will put us in line. Things are going well. An Italian prosecutor of attorney behind a gang of drug smugglers is combining "a deal very, very big." Phones controlled. "Bugs" environment. Stalking. In short, the ambaradam of these cases. In the "network" gets caught one of the rogue police officers who attacked Marrazzo. The 'listening' is expanding its phones. That speaks to one of the gang in uniform and was told: "... the video of the president ...".
The video of the president. The prosecutor who can pensare? Non è romano, non è laziale. L'ultima persona che gli può venire in mente è Marrazzo. Pensa a quel presidente, a Berlusconi. Si dispera. È di fronte a un'alternativa del diavolo. Sa di dover intervenire subito per proteggere il capo del governo da chissà che cosa ed è consapevole che, se lo fa, gli va per aria l'inchiesta. Decide di liberarsi della patata bollente. Intorno al 9 ottobre chiama il procuratore aggiunto di Roma, Giancarlo Cataldo, e gli spiega l'impiccio: occupatevene voi, vi mando le carte, voi mettete le mani sul video, ammesso che esista, io salvo la mia inchiesta, voi salvate Berlusconi. Così sarà. Il 14 ottobre un'informativa del Ros mette in moto la procura di Roma.
A questo punto, si deve immaginare Berlusconi. Da un lato, come presidente del consiglio, il 19 viene informato che magistrati e carabinieri sono sulle tracce di "un video del presidente" che potrebbe coinvolgerlo. Dall'altro, come proprietario della Mondadori, quel mattino ha sul tavolo il video che magistrati e carabinieri stanno cercando. Non devono essere state ore serene. Se non si muove, se non fa qualcosa, chi toglie dalla testa dell'opinione pubblica che il presidente del consiglio - protetto da uno straordinario conflitto di interessi - governi una "macchina del fango", nel tempo sbattuta contro la reputazione di Dino Boffo (direttore dell'Avvenire), Gianfranco Fini (presidente della Camera), Raimondo Mesiano (giudice responsabile giving him wrong in a civil case)? About azzittirà the cries of "usual left" and "communists" lost behind the bad thought that that video - published or returned or given to the judiciary - is placed in waiting for better times, maybe elections? Berlusconi decides on impulse, as always. He wants to get out from the corner, fold the scene. Call the Governor: "I can say that I was not a gentleman." She tells him to move. He hopes that Marrazzo hurry. Buy the video, it destroys deleting a job that badly can be very dangerous. As you know, the governor is moving slowly, the police quickly. What remains is the history of these days and announces third chapter not yet written.
Now Rogne are all of Rome prosecutors because what happened is clear in the light of the Criminal Code. Article 640, receiving stolen property. "Whoever, in order to procure a profit for themselves or others, acquires, receives or hides things from any crime or otherwise intrudes upon them to buy, receive or concealment, shall be punished with imprisonment from two to eight years' . There is no doubt that Signorini, Mauritius and Costa Marina Berlusconi, to obtain a profit, have received that video obviously made with a crime (with violence and violation of domicile). There is no doubt that Silvio Berlusconi has interfered to buy first, and hide, then, that "thing from a crime." If the law is equal for all, it is reasonable to think that Rome prosecutors will try to figure out who has "driven" false blackmailers and send in Milan, on an accrual basis, a hypothetical stolen cards.
reserved © Playing: The Republic
(October 30, 2009)
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